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class="p">40. Jones (1921, p. 475). 41. 223 Fed. 35 (1915).
42. Urofsky (1969, p. 98).
43. James (1911).
44. The issue of Germany epitomized this tension. Progressives had long looked to Germany
as the avatar of enlightened civilization, but they now had to struggle to reconcile this vision with the retrograde behavior of a Prussian-dominated empire—especially when, in 1914, many of the foremost German intellectuals signed an open letter justifying the invasion of Belgium and professing intellectual solidarity with the German regime. As many as 100 intellectuals signed the letter, including Gustav Schmoller, Johannes Conrad, Friedrich Naumann, and Lujo Brentano (Rodgers 1998, p. 278).
45. Hirschfeld (1963); Kennedy (1980, p. 50).
46. Ekirch (1974, p. 266).
47. Rodgers (1998, p. 279); Weinstein (1968, p. 214).
48. Ekirch (1974, p. 266).
49. Bourne (1917).
50. Link (1954, p. 179). Link believes that it was the Lusitania crisis that changed Wilson’s mind,
although, as “he was ever mindful of the desirability of keeping the Democratic Party in power, the significance of the preparedness agitation could not have been lost upon the President.”
51. Link (1954, p. 239).
52. Devlin (1974, p. 631).
53. Ekirch (1974, p. 255); Link (1954, p. 267).
54. Devlin (1974, p. 632).
55. Higgs (1987, p. 131); Koistinen (1997, pp. 182–84).
56. Kennedy (1980, p. 147); Schaffer (1994, p. 186).
57. Kennedy (1980, p. 147); Meyer (2017, p. 235). The British even had to order soldiers back
to their civilian jobs.
58. Kennedy (1980, pp. 144ff.); Meyer (2017, p. 244).
59. Kennedy (1980, p. 17).
60. Dos Passos (1962, pp. 217–19 and 300–302); Meyer (2017, chapter 12); Nagler (2000);
Peterson and Fite (1957); Schaffer (1994, pp. 3–30); Scheiber (1960).
61. Schaffer (1994, p. 5). Without a hint of irony or embarrassment, Creel titled his memoir
of this period How We Advertised America (1920).
62. Commons argued, among other things, that workers were not paying the bulk of war
taxes; that the war would result in significant gains for labor, including the eight-hour day; and that price controls would prevent rising consumer prices (Commons 1918a, 1918b). On the first two points he was largely correct, but price controls could only disguise temporarily the significant monetary inflation that helped pay for the war.
63. They had actually had such powers from the beginning of the European war in 1914; but until the American involvement, they were instructed to censor missives only on grounds of non-neutrality.
64. Scheiber (1960, p. 20).
65. Mock (1941, p. 111). The words are those of Creel, who was a member of the Censorship Board, which Burleson oversaw. Even Teddy Roosevelt joked that he was wary of criticizing in writing the administration’s conduct of the war, as one could never tell which letter might be opened.
582 Notes to Chapter 4
66. Meyer (2017, p. 278).
67. Schaffer (1994, p. 15). Haywood skipped bail in 1921 and fled to the Soviet Union.
68. Murray (1955, p. 22). Even after the Court overturned the conviction, Congress refused
to seat Berger.
69. Scheiber (1960, p. 43). In Schenk v. United States (29 U.S. 47 [1919]), Holmes articulated
the famous criterion of “clear and present danger,” which he and other judges quickly proceeded to read in the broadest possible terms (Kennedy 1980, pp. 84–86).
70. Mock (1941, pp. 35–37).
71. In 1917, “a twenty-three-year-old Bristol [Connecticut] man was sentenced to three months in jail, having shown the temerity the day before not to stand for the playing of the National Anthem at a local theater, instead remarking, ‘To hell with the flag’” (Drury 2015, p. 50).
72. Williams (1996).
73. The American Anti-Trust League was almost certainly an association of small and medium-sized independent businesses threatened by the larger concerns (Thorelli 1955, p. 351). 74. Eleventh Annual Report of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation (December 31, 1915),
pp. 16–18.
75. During World War II it was run by the Homestead works of U.S. Steel. The facility was
closed again immediately after the war and was used largely for storage until the 1960s, when it was sold to private interests, becoming at one point a stamping plant for the American Motors Corporation. “Charleston Ordnance Center,” West Virginia Encyclopedia, last revised Janu- ary 16, 2019, https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/articles/1107.
76. Chandler and Salsbury (1971, p. 391).
77. “Agree on Army of 206,000 Men,” New York Times, May 14, 1916, p. 6.
78. Brand (1945, p. 104).
79. Ernest Hemingway, “Cheaper Nitrates Will Mean Cheaper Bread,” Toronto Star Weekly,
November 12, 1921.
80. Johnson (2016).
81. Cooper (1969, pp. 165–66).
82. Williams (1996). When the US entered the war, all existing American shipyards were at
capacity, 75 percent of them engaged in naval construction (Tyler 1958, p. 106). 83. Williams (1996).
84. Tyler (1958, p. 106).
85. Hessen (1975, chapter 12).
86. Tyler (1958, pp. 106–8).
87. Lauterbach (1942).
88. Eichengreen (1996, p. 88).
89. Koistinen (1967, 1997).
90. Koistinen (1967, p. 389)
91. Koistinen (1997, p. 137).
92. Chernow (1990, p. 202).
93. Edward Marshall, “Edison’s Plan for Preparedness,” New York Times, May 30, 1915, p.
SM6.
94. This account draws on Cuff (1973) and Koistinen (1997).
Notes to Chapter 4 583
95. Werking (1978). Contrary to what most imagine, the Chamber was not an endogenous expression of the interests of private enterprise but an organization created by the federal gov- ernment to help prosecute American foreign trade.
96. 40 Stat. 276, P.L. 41, 65th Cong., 1st sess., August 10, 1917.
97. Herbert Hoover, “Introduction” (written in 1920) to Mullendore (1941, p. 3).
98. Cuff (1977, 1978); Hawley (1974).
99. Higgs (1987, pp. 135–38).
100. Mullendore (1941, p. 61).
101. Mock (1941, p. 28).
102. Meyer (2017, p. 251).
103. Timberlake (1963, p. 179).
104. Cuff (1978,
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