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154. Chernow (1998, p. 431).
155. Lamoreaux (1985, p. 183); Livermore (1935, p. 70); Porter (1973, p. 81).
Notes to Chapter 3 563
Chapter 3: The Progressive Era
1. Friedman and Schwartz (1963, p. 135); Friedman (1994, chapter 5); Faulkner (1962, p. 23).
2. Here, for example, is Henry Steele Commager (1942, p. 99): “Few statesmen have ever been more fully vindicated by history. Item by item the program which Bryan had consistently espoused, from the early nineties on into the new century, was written onto the statute books— written into law by those who had denounced and ridiculed it. Call the list of the reforms: government control of currency and of banking, government regulation of railroads, telegraph and telephone, trust regulation, the eight-hour day, labor reforms, the prohibition of injunctions in labor disputes, the income tax, tariff reform, anti-imperialism, the initiative, the referendum, woman suffrage, temperance, international arbitration.”
3. McCraw (1997, p. 327). This is a version of an old argument about American exceptional- ism and entrepreneurship. See, for example, Sawyer (1962).
4. Stephen Skowronek (1982) famously referred to nineteenth-century America as a govern- ment of courts and parties. Brian Balogh (2009) sees the nineteenth-century crypto-state as built on associations: the US did not govern less than other countries, he says, just differently and less visibly. On state capacity see Skocpol (1985).
5. Rodgers (1982, p. 116).
6. Sanders (1999).
7. Aldrich (2013).
8. Chandler himself endorses this argument, singling out distribution as especially impor-
tant: under the onslaught of mass distribution, “the proportion of goods distributed by wholesalers, the most influential businessmen in hundreds of small American towns and cities, was cut in half between 1889 and 1920” (Chandler 1980, p. 7).
9. Wiebe (1962, p. 13).
10. Hofstadter (1955, chapter 4).
11. Fogel (2000, pp. 67–74).
12. Wiebe (1967, p. 166).
13. Fogel (2000, p. 67).
14. Ekirch (1974, p. 57).
15. US Department of Homeland Security, 2019 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, Table 1. 16. Wiebe (1967, pp. 38–39).
17. Fogel (2000, p. 66).
18. Fogel (2000, p. 21).
19. Fogel (2000, pp. 22–25).
20. Ekirch (1974, p. 57). “The Social Gospel also made it possible for the clergy to compete
intellectually with the rising political and university elites and thus to rehabilitate its reputation and standing in American thought.”
21. Geiger (2000); Rudolph (1962); Veysey (1965).
22. Herbst (1965, p. 1) calculates that 9,000 Americans studied in Germany between 1820 and 1920. On the influence of German thought on American social-science academics, see Rodgers (1998, chapter 3).
23. Hodgson (2001, chapter 9).
564 Notes to Chapter 3
24. Herbst (1965, p. 131). This was, of course, the exact opposite of what Darwin actually believed. His crucial insight was to stop seeing species in terms of group characteristics and to focus on the differences—the variation—among individuals within groups. Methodologically, Darwin was an individualist and a thoroughgoing nominalist (Dennett 1996).
25. A similar consolidation was also underway in Germany, which had its own version of the Social Gospel Movement (Rodgers 1998, p. 63).
26. Ely (1910, pp. 51–53).
27. Rodgers (1998, p. 86). Twenty of the first 26 AEA presidents had studied in Germany. 28. Coats (1988, p. 358).
29. Coats (1960, 1988).
30. Rutherford (2011). After 1918, the intellectual descendants of Ely, and notably of his
student John R. Commons, came to be called the Institutionalist school. 31. Coats (1988, p. 358).
32. Fine (1958, p. 51).
33. Perry (1891, p. ix).
34. Fine (1958, p. 58).
35. In Federalist 10, James Madison says this. “By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.” Madison argues that faction cannot be eliminated—there is no such thing as a common public interest. Faction can only be curbed by constitutional restraints.
36. The sweeping away of individual rights was a central theme of Herbert Croly’s The Prom- ise of American Life (1909), one of the foundational documents of Progressive thought. On this see Nichols (1987).
37. Rodgers (1998, p. 54).
38. As Thomas Leonard (2016) and others have extensively documented, the Progressive thinkers were nationalist, imperialist, anti-immigrant, racist, and sexist. To a man (and even occasional woman), they were also proponents of eugenics. See also, for example, Bateman (2003), Goldberg (2007), and Ramstad and Starkey (1995). On the Progressives as nationalists, see Ekirch (1973, chapter 11). On the Progressives as imperialists, see Leuchtenburg (1952).
39. Leonard (2016, pp. 170–73). The very first hour-restriction laws applied to women only. For his part, Richard T. Ely believed it should be illegal for women to work.
40. Ross summarized his argument from that lecture: “I tried to show that owing to its high Malthusian birth rate the Orient is the land of ‘cheap men,’ and that the coolie, though he cannot outdo the American, can under live him. I took the ground that the high standard of living that restrains multiplication in America will be imperiled if Orientals are allowed to pour into this country in great numbers before they have raised their standards of living and lowered their birth rate. . . . Should the worst come to the worst, it would be better for us to turn our guns upon every vessel bringing Japanese to our shores than permit them to land” (quoted in Eule [2015], from which this account is drawn). This language is actually mild compared to what Ross would later write (Leonard 2016, p. 148). With Jordan’s help, Ross landed on his feet at Nebraska and ultimately Wisconsin, and he became a major figure in American sociology.
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