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corporations. The language of “public interest” was identical in all.
43. Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge, 36 U.S. 420 (1837). On this see Lamoreaux (2014)
and Kutler (1971).
44. See Lamoreaux (2014) and Hilt (2015).
45. Hollander (1964).
46. McCurdy (1978). The tide would turn back during the New Deal, and the Court would
become unwilling to use the so-called Dormant Commerce Clause to restrict state-level protec- tion of local special interests. It is significant that in its fight against state laws requiring all au- tomobiles to be sold through independent local dealerships, Tesla Motors today is reluctant to use the tactics that had been successful for Singer in the nineteenth century, fearing that the precedent set today could go against them (Crane 2016).
47. Freyer (1979).
48. Munn v. Illinois, 94 U.S. 113 (1877).
49. McCraw (1984, p. 57).
50. Wabash, St. Louis & Pacific Railway Company v. Illinois, 118 U.S. 557 (1886).
51. Congress was in fact well on its way to railroad legislation before the Wabash case was
decided (Kolko 1965, p. 33; Poole and Rosenthal 1993, p. 838).
Notes to Chapter 2 559
52. Kolko (1963, p. 6).
53. Lardner (1850, p. 218).
54. Indeed, the railroads were the first great example of federal industrial policy (White 2011,
pp. 17–37).
55. Kolko (1965, chapter 1). For a contemporary account see Adams (1878). “In no other
industry,” wrote Herbert Hovenkamp (1991, p. 1039), “have attempts at both legal and illegal cartelization been so persistent, widespread, systematic, or ultimately doomed to failure.”
56. Hilton (1966, pp. 90–93).
57. Hilton (1966, pp. 88–89); Kolko (1965, pp. 8–10); MacAvoy (1965, chapter 4).
58. Which apparently was true in 1905 (Dewey 1935, p. 8). In his 1901 novel The Octopus,
Frank Norris tells of plows waiting on a siding in fictional Bonneville, California. Although the plows are destined for Bonneville, and are even pointed out to their owner, they cannot be unloaded but must first be shipped to San Francisco and back (Norris 1901, pp. 66–67).
59. Adams (1878, p. 124).
60. This was understood at least as early as Ellet (1840); it was implied in John Stuart Mill’s (1848, Book III, chapter XVI, p. 582) analysis of the joint-cost problem; it was in Lardner (1850, p. 220); and it was argued by contemporary economists like Hadley (1885) and Taussig (1891). Baumol and Bradford (1970), who are responsible for the modern formalization of this idea, refer explicitly to the debates about short-haul–long-haul price discrimination in the nineteenth century. Hovenkamp (1991) argues not only that contemporary economists understood railroad economics but also that their ideas were influential in legislation. The latter part is dubious, at least with respect to price discrimination, as Adams was the major intellectual influence on the Senate side of what became the Interstate Commerce Act (Kolko 1965). By the twentieth century, as Progressive ideas became dominant in the economics profession as well as in politi- cal discourse, it actually became dangerous to argue that railroad practices like prices discrimi- nation are economically efficient, something a naïve young Chicago economist called Hugo Meyer would learn the hard way (Giocoli 2015, 2016).
61. Ramsey (1927). We will encounter Ramsey pricing again in a different context later in the story.
62. Hilton (1966, p. 94).
63. Dewey (1935, pp. 63–64); Martin (1974, p. 344).
64. Miller (1971).
65. Benson (1955).
66. Chernow (1998, p. 135).
67. Bonbright and Means (1932, p. 61).
68. Granitz and Klein (1996).
69. Chernow (1998, p. 153).
70. Tarbell (1904, chapter 3).
71. Nash (1957, p. 182).
72. Granitz and Klein (1996, pp. 17–18).
73. Montague (1902).
74. “Utter and complete terror prevailed among the independent oilmen” (Nash 1957, p. 185). 75. Nash (1957).
76. On rebates in meatpacking and cattle, see Yeager (1981, chapter 4).
560 Notes to Chapter 2
77. Nevins (1927, pp. 399–400).
78. For accounts of the passage of the Act see Gilligan, Marshall, and Weingast (1989), Hil- ton (1966), Kolko (1965, chapter 2), and Martin (1974).
79. McCraw (1984, chapter 1).
80. Nash (1955, 1957).
81. Poole and Rosenthal (1993). These authors contend that it was the ideological differences
between the strongly pro-regulation South and the anti-regulation Northeast that were decisive in the legislative arena, not the interests of short-haul versus long-haul shippers.
82. Martin (1974, p. 262). What came out of committee, writes Martin, “was pure compro- mise in the worst American political tradition.”
83. Gilligan, Marshall, and Weingast (1989).
84. McCraw (1984, p. 62).
85. Chandler (1965, p. 162); Chernow (1990, p. 68).
86. At the end of 1888, Adams told the Commonwealth Club in Boston that the prohibition
against pooling was putting smaller lines out of business and speeding consolidation. “The Act is at this moment rapidly driving us towards some grand railroad trust scheme” (quoted in Martin [1974, p. 366n59]).
87. Hidy (1952).
88. Porter (1973, p. 65).
89. Montague (1903, p. 309).
90. Chandler (1977, p. 323).
91. Hovenkamp (1991, p. 249).
92. Sitkoff (2005, p. 32).
93. Hidy (1952).
94. Williamson and Daum (1959).
95. And, like Standard Oil, both trusts reorganized as New Jersey corporations as soon as
the option became available (Bonbright and Means 1932, p. 25; Roy 1997, pp. 199–211). 96. Hovenkamp (1991, p. 251).
97. Butler (1985); Grandy (1989); Urofsky (1982).
98. Urofsky (1982, p. 163).
99. Hovenkamp (1991, p. 258).
100. Urofsky (1982, p. 164).
101. Hidy (1952).
102. Hilt (2014); Lamoreaux (2009); Roe (2013). 103. Bonbright and Means (1932, p. 57).
104. As Grandy (1989) has argued.
105. DeLong (1991).
106. Naomi Lamoreaux (2004) and her coauthors have argued that although relatively un-
restricted by the standards of early state charters, these late nineteenth-century state charters offered a standardized set of rules
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